Agenda-setting
The Agenda -setting theory concludes a function of mass media is to influence
the relative importance of our attitudes on issues (Infante, Rancer, &
Womack, 1997). The perceived importance of issues is related to the
attention given to those issues by the media. Furthermore, the agenda-setting
paradigm examines the ability of media publics to communicate what issues
are significant, and, most importantly, what audiences should think about
(Infante, Rancer, & Womack, 1997).
For years,
communication scholars have actively challenged the agenda setting paradigm.
Early studies suggested that the media had the power to present images
to the public, whereas the public, in turn, would generate their own need
for information and forge a dependence on the media to describe events
that could not be witnessed first hand (Lippman, 1922). Accordingly,
Lippman (1922) theorized that people with a high need for orientation from
the media will more likely be influenced by agenda setting.
However,
McCombs and Shaw’s (1972) research on agenda-settings influence on voting
attitude and behavior has been described as some of the most important
research done on the theory (Infante, Rancer, & Womack, 1997).
Their studies in North Carolina “concluded that the mass media exerted
a significant influence on what voters considered to be the major issues
of the campaign” (Infante, Rancer, & Womack, 1997, p. 366). In
hindsight, they concluded that agenda-setting creates the prominent issues
and images in the minds of the public (McCombs & Shaw, 1972).
Furthermore, they contend that media outlets “act as gatekeepers of information,
make choices about what to report and how to report it. What the
public knows about any state of affairs at any given time is largely a
product of gatekeeping” (Littlejohn, 1996, p. 341). However, media
not only bring matters and issues to public awareness, “they can also doom
people and events to obscurity by inattention” (Graber, 1980, p. 5).
Similarly,
Graber (1980) examined the agenda-setting influence on voter’s judgements
about the importance of current issues. Accordingly, the list of
issues derived from the sample corresponded to topics in their local news
sources, however, agenda-setting varied in potency, whereas the “audience
followed media guidance, but not slavishly” (Graber, 1980, p. 134).
Most importantly, Graber noted that, “ prominent media coverage does assure
that an issue will be noticed, but it does not guarantee that the audience
will assign it the same relative rank of importance which media play has
indicated” (Graber, 1980, p. 134).
Moreover,
McCombs (1997) has been one scholar who has provided extensive research
on the significance of agenda-setting. In 1997, he examined how the
news media builds consensus through its agenda-setting role. He stated
that, “the news media can influence how a community regards itself, including
priorities and the factors that guide its views on particular issues.
Against this background, all news organizations must give close attention
to their role in building community consensus” (McCombs, 1997). These
ideas can be directly coupled to the effects the public affairs office
has on its internal community, and how we build consensus about issues
among the ranks.
In
addition, Littlejohn (1996) states that agenda-setting is a three-part
linear process. First, that the importance of issues will be set
by the media, creating media agenda, then the media agenda will influence
or interact on what the public thinks, creating public agenda, and finally
this public agenda influences with what policymakers decide are critical
issues, thus influencing policy agenda (Littlejohn, 1996). Similarly,
we can observe the employment of this linear process in addressing the
role of public affairs to servicemembers and leaders. Public affairs
offices develop and channel messages about the mission of PA to our internal
public (our servicemembers and leaders), who then in turn correctly employ
public affairs practitioners in the operational planning.
Accordingly,
Hays and Glick (1997) examined the role of agenda-setting in policy innovation
by using agenda setting variables to account for policy adoption (Hays
& Glick, 1997). Their study focused on the link of agenda-setting to
the diffusion of policy innovations through the context of state living-will
law adoption (Hays & Glick, 1997). Their hypothesis stated that
“policy innovation is most often facilitated by the combination of agenda-setting
forces that stimulate public interest in an issue and internally state
characteristics that are conducive to adoption” (Hays & Glick, 1997,
p. 499). Their results indicate that when agenda-setting influences
are convincing and conditions within a state are conducive, policy adoption
has a strong probability of occurring. “That is, even if a state’s
conditions are conducive to the adoption of a particular innovation, they
will not automatically do so until outside agenda-setting factors force
them to act” (Hays & Glick, 1997, p. 511).
This research
uses Agenda-setting theory as a medium to communicate the role and mission
of public affairs practitioners to the command leadership, PA community,
and servicemembers. The PAO’s resources to apply agenda-setting include:
Command Access Channel, base paper, and electronic marquee signs.
Because the military makes strict use of its chain of command, Diffusion
of Innovations was another theory guiding this research.
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