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Reaching
Your Audience:
Matching
Media Channels to Target Audience
Review of Literature
Mass communication theory.
Uses
and gratification theory focuses on the receiver of the message rather
than the message itself. In mass communication, the theory gives individuals
control over media choices and uses. It contends that audience members
are discriminating media consumers and examines consumer behavior based
on individual experience. Media consumers are viewed as active users of
content, not subjects being manipulated (as assumed under early theories
of mass communication). The theory holds that how an audience member chooses
to use a message is an intervening variable in the message effect (Littlejohn,
1996).
In
uses and gratification theory, the audience is active and goal-oriented.
Audience members choose their media based on their individual needs, and
media are only one way to meet those needs (Littlejohn, 1996). Harwood
(1999) found support for uses and gratification theory in television viewing
among older teens. Age identity was a key factor in predicting viewing
patterns in a study of 236 college students.
The
value expectancy theory of mass communication states that people orient
themselves to the world according to their beliefs and evaluations. Palmgreen
(1984) discusses gratifications sought in developing the expanded theory.
A person’s expected gratifications in using a medium is based on beliefs
about what the medium can provide in addition to individual evaluations
of the content. As people gain experience with a particular form of media,
their perceived gratifications will feed their beliefs and a cycle of reinforcement
will ensue.
Individual
beliefs about what media segments can provide are affected by culture,
social institutions, and media in relation to culture and social institutions.
Social circumstances such as the availability of media and personal traits
such as introversion, extroversion and dogmatism also influence individual
beliefs (Palmgreen, 1984).
Mass
media dependency theory as developed by DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1975)
holds that the ultimate basis of media influence lies in the nature of
the relationship between the social system, the role of media in that system,
and the relationship of the audience and the media. According to the researchers,
there is a high dependency on media for information in an urban industrial
society, which increases significantly in times of social upheaval or change.
The greater the need society has for the information provided by the media
and the more functions the media serve, the greater dependence individuals
in that society will have on the media and the greater the media’s influence
will be on that society.
Dependency
theory predicts that mass media have cognitive, affective and behavioral
affects on the society it serves (DeFleur & Ball-Rokeach, 1975). Cognitive
functions include ambiguity resolution, which can be accomplished quickly
in times of social upheaval when the media present accurate information
but which can drag on indefinitely if the media cannot service this function;
attitude formation, which changes as new people become public figures through
the mass media; agenda setting, which holds that media selects the topics
about which society members think; beliefs, which expand and change as
media informs society of other people, places, and belief systems; and
values, or people’s beliefs about states of existence, which may change
as beliefs change.
Affective
effects of mass media, according to DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach’s (1975) dependency
theory, involve the feelings and emotions of individual members of society.
As images of violence routinely appear in the media, for example, people
may become desensitized to scenes of violence encountered in reality. They
may experience different levels of fear, anxiety, hostility, frustration
and related emotions as events are processed through media channels. Ultimately,
the behavioral effects of mass media, according to the dependency theory,
are described in terms of individuals doing something that they otherwise
might not do if it were not for the influence of the media on which they
are dependent.
DeFleur
and Ball-Rokeach (1975) contend that, when audiences are dependent on media
to satisfy their needs, messages can alter all three states – cognitive,
affective and behavioral. Littlejohn (1996) notes that the effect will
vary according to how dependent an individual is on the media channel to
fulfill specific individual needs. This is especially true when certain
media are consumed habitually, as a ritual, to fill time, to escape, or
as a distraction. As an example, Littlejohn cites housebound people who
may become dependent on the television for company, commuters who may come
to depend on their car radio for companionship on the way to and from work,
or teens who may rely on music videos to fill certain needs. The more alternatives
an individual has, however, the less likely that individual is to become
dependent on any one media channel. Media dependency theory holds that
"society produces broad strata of people with sufficient uniformity of
social circumstances that they share many problems and concerns in greater
or lesser degree in spite of individual differences" (DeFleur & Ball-Rokeach,
1975, p. 268).
The
diffusion of innovation theory of mass communication and social change
is less concerned about media channels than interpersonal networks. This
theory holds that a new idea – or a communication idea – begins at its
point of origin and spreads through the surrounding geographic areas or
from person to person within a specific area (Littlejohn, 1996). A basic
notion of diffusion theory holds that once a certain number of individuals
(perhaps 15 percent) in a system adopt an innovation, it will continue
to spread in a self-sustaining process. Rogers and Shefner-Rogers (1999)
recommend it as a model for such health campaigns as AIDS awareness. Business
professionals are also using the theory for research on franchising, comparisons
between first and last adopters of new technologies, and organizational
adoption of innovations (Koiranen, 1998; Martinez, Polo & Flavian,
1998; Frambach, 1993). The theory states that interaction through links
has a greater affect on understanding than if the same messages are passed
through media channels, and that the interpersonal interaction is essential
to convergence or shared meaning of the message (Littlejohn, 1996).
In
agenda-setting theory, the relationship between the source and the media
channel is more important than the channel itself. The theory states that
the mass media does not tell a society what to think, but that it does
tell a society what to think about as editors determine which stories are
covered and reporters decide what information to include in the stories
they send to their editors (Littlejohn, 1996). Agenda setting is an interactional
process, according to DeFleur and Ball-Rokeach (1975); the media sorts
and selects stories, and from that selection the public makes its choices
about what to read or view based on individual and group concerns. For
agenda setting, Littlejohn (1996) holds the relationship between the source
(the public affairs practitioner) and the media gatekeeper more important
than channel selection. It is the relationship between the two that often
determines whether the outlet will even consider a story that is not hard
news.
Media
richness theory postulates that the effectiveness of communication is dependent
to an extent upon the channel that is used. The theory focuses more upon
the interactive aspects of communication as a two-way process between the
audience and the communicator. According to media richness theory, mediums
that allow feedback are "richer," providing greater context and emphasis
to the message. The richer the communication, the more uncertainty is reduced,
and the more likely it is that effective communication will have taken
place (Daft and Lengel, 1984). Media richness theory regards such media
channels as newspaper, television and radio as "poor" because they do not
allow for immediate and direct feedback.
Schramm
(1969) asserts that ‘know your audience’ is the first rule of practical
mass communication. Messages must be structured to meet a target audience
and delivered in a way the audience will receive. Schramm recommends using
existing patterns of understanding, drives and attitudes to gain acceptance
of the message. To reach a target audience, a communicator must determine
the images and reference points already existing in the minds of the audience
members (Brooks, 1969).
Segmenting
one public into many with separate interests presents a challenge to communications
scholars, who may not even agree that separate publics exist. In fact,
Littlejohn (1996) points to a theory of mass society in which there are
depersonalized relations throughout society and people have lost their
individuality in the global village. The opposing view, and one carried
by business interests in addition to some communications scholars, is that
there still exist highly differentiated communities with values, ideals
and interests (Morton, 1998a).
Market segmentation.
Market
segmentation is one of the most common concepts in the field of marketing
(Chaturvedi, Carroll, Green, & Rotondo, 1997). Although most market
segmentation processes seek homogeneous partitions, researchers have found
that customers can belong to multiple segments. Practical managerial issues
and unavailability of sophisticated software to appropriately segment large
market sample sizes may prohibit the multiple segmentation of large markets.
The
target audiences for public affairs practitioners to communicate military
messages are much more fragmented today compared to the 1980s and 1990s.
In fact, audiences have fragmented into small particles that expand far
beyond the typical demographic classifications of age, gender, race, status
and other factors. Russell (1990) fragments the market into 10 segments:
parents, fathers, the fit, the unfit, downscale, upscale, workers, entrepreneurs,
women in charge, and housewives.
According
to Morton (1998a), it is imperative that public affairs practitioners obtain
a thorough understanding of their target audiences in order to effectively
communicate messages. In order to effectively tailor messages to target
audiences, psychographics, (an individual’s personality and psychological
factors) and sociographics (an individual’s social grouping and sociological
factors) must be considered. Morton states that once demographics, psychographics
and sociographics segment target audiences, other shared characteristics
across several segments should be noted. Morton (1998b) includes generation,
life stage, social class, lifestyle, gender, and race and national origin
among these additional categories, then segments by different characteristics
within a segment. For example, adaptive generation, baby boomers, reactive
Generation X, and civic millennium generation segments are all part of
the segment called "generation." Each segment has its own specific description.
(For an example of how Morton segments audiences using demographics, psychographics
and sociographics, see Appendix A, Figures 1 through 5.2.)
Generation
X tends to embrace new technology faster and change channels frequently
compared to baby boomers. They are media connoisseurs, capable of browsing
the electronic landscape to select their interests. Generation Xers are
attracted to MTV’s quick-cut, fast-fade format, which is tailored to their
short attention span. They will quickly discard messages that lack entertainment
or involving information. Further, while Generation Xers do not dislike
advertising, they dislike overstatement, self-importance, hypocrisy, and
telemarketers (Ritchie, 1995).
Morton
(1997) notes that Asian Americans share many values that make targeting
them parsimonious: they respect older members of their family, the majority
of them are married, their culture has a low divorce rate, often several
generations live together and they value education. The most effective
channels to reach this group are news releases that are written in their
language and published in their newspapers because 94 percent of Asian
Americans read newspapers while 82 percent read newspapers in their native
language. On the other hand, Hispanics are better reached by door-to-door
sampling versus the mass media. Less than 10 percent of Hispanics in the
United States use mass media and only 50 percent read English.
The
degree to which behaviors and attitudes can be predicted on the basis of
demographics alone is very limited. While it can useful to know the objective
characteristics of an audience – ethnicity, age, and media consumption
habits – attitudes and personal preferences are just as important (Scott
& O’Hair, 1989). The two researchers recommend that public relations
professionals consider three different characteristics of their audiences:
"(a) an accurate description of the demographic make-up of the audience
in question, (b) using psychographic information to focus on the individual’s
values and lifestyle, and (c) determining the emotional reaction of audience
members" (p. 205). (See Appendix A, Figure 6 for Scott & O’Hair’s (1989)
Model of the relationship between these three elements.) Other studies
confirm that the predictive value of demographic data increases when subjective
or values measurements are added (Boote, 1981).
Hansler
and Riggin (1989) suggests that an effective market segment should meet
certain requirements: homogeneous segments must be systematically identified,
segments must be quantifiable because some segments have a higher opportunity
to participate in the offering than others, and the system must be able
to locate these segments. |