Literature
Review
Annually, the Air
Force uses a great deal of man-hours and a large portion of their
budget to report to Air Force service members through different
communication venues, including, newsletters, newspapers, magazines,
television, radio the Internet and others. The main goal of using
these mediums is to provide Air Force members local command information,
updated Air Force policy from headquarters and other related services.
The expected outcome of using these sources is that the Air Force
will have a more informed force, ultimately making members more
productive and more involved in their communities throughout a
changing environment.
In order to communicate effectively with its members, the Air
Force needs to ensure that each medium is an effective tool for
information. Also, for budgetary reasons, the Air Force needs
to know which communication forms are the most useful at reaching
service members. There are various theories that will help us
understand this information such as the Heuristic-Systematic Model,
Elaboration Likelihood Model, Uses and Gratification theory and
source credibility. The Heuristic-Systematic Model and the Elaboration
Likelihood Model are two approaches taken in order to evaluate
the effectiveness of communication mediums. In both models information
processing is used to determine medium choices. In addition to
information processing Uses and Gratifications theory is applicable
to determine if those who are motivated towards professional activities
and community activities are more inclined to utilize various
forms of Air Force mass media. Lastly, source credibility plays
a major role in determining which mediums are used. In researching
the different communication tools available to Air Force members,
this project specifically looked at which mediums Air Force members
gravitate towards and why. In order to understand why Air Force
members may be interested in particular forms of mass media, the
researchers for this project utilized the Uses and Gratification
theory, two dual-processing models: Elaboration Likelihood Model
(ELM) and Heuristic-Systematic Model (HSM) and finally looked
at how source credibility effects the overall outcome.
Uses and Gratifications theory
Motivation dictates use in the Uses and Gratification theory.
The pleasure or gratification one gets from the consumption of
a mass medium contributes to the type of medium they choose. Uses
and Gratifications is a mass communications theory that explores
the audience member’s role in media use. It focuses on the
consumer’s selection of media rather then focusing on the
message delivered (Littlejohn, 1996). Common assumptions in this
field are the views that audience members are active information
processors rather then passive receivers of message (McLeod &
Becker, 1981). Media use is goal directed and media sources compete
with other sources to satisfy needs (Palmgreen, Wenner & Rosengren,
1985). Codified by Katz, Blumler and Gurevitch in 1974, uses and
gratifications also presupposes that individual differences among
audience members motivate each person to seek out different messages
for different reasons (Bryant & Thompson, 2002). McLeod and
Becker (1981) suggest other variables to gratifications obtained
are dependent upon a certain type of media for particular types
of content and the amount of attention given a particular type
of content. While it does not claim a direct relationship between
messages and effects, it alleges that audience members employ
messages and such uses act as intermediate variables in the communication
process (Bryant & Thompson, 2002).
Much of the research conducted in this field was to understand
what gratifications were sought and which were actually obtained
from the media. The discrete analysis of these two concepts illustrates
that consumers are not always able to get what they want from
the media (Miller, 2002). Moreover, the linking of the two ideas
does not imply that there is a causal relationship. There are
many types of gratifications that can be sought and derived from
the same source by the same person. While a person may watch the
news for self-education and content, and ‘Survivor’
for relaxation and entertainment, the varied gratifications all
stem from the same form of medium. This correlates to Blumler
and Katz’s (1974) axiom that we cannot accurately predict
specific patterns of gratification based on media content because
the individual may derive more than one from the same content
(Palmgreen et al.,1985). Simply stated, there are as many reasons
for using media as there are media users. Katz et al. (1974) also
contend that the characteristics of the media affect the degree
to which needs may be met at different times, meaning variations
to gratifications obtained exist even within the same context
(Palmgreen et al.,1985). Research posits that a causal variable
to perceived gratifications may be the influence of attitude.
According to a study about E-commerce by Xueming Luo (2002), users
who believe the Web is entertaining, informative and like the
Internet overall, have positive attitudes towards it. Conversely,
those who perceive the Web to be frustrating are more likely to
have negative attitudes toward the Internet. The antecedent to
gratifications is need and since this theory’s inception,
researchers have sought to understand the social and psychological
influence on what drives people to seek out media in the first
place. The expectancy-value model, an extension of uses and gratifications,
infers people seek out mediums based on their value of a specific
outcome and the likelihood of that outcome occurring (Miller,
2002). Moving from attitude to belief, it contends that individual
attitudes toward different types of media are determined by individual
beliefs and evaluations of it (Palmgreen, et al., 1985). Individuals
may also broaden into various media types to increase their likelihood
of obtaining gratifications obtained. An example of this would
be if an individual found the evening news to be education, and
that individual believed education to be good, then the individual
would be more likely to gratify his need by watching the evening
news. Palmgreen et al. (1985) also added that the various media
types themselves, the availability of the media and individual
psychological traits such as introversion or extroversion, affect
beliefs about what can be obtained from the media.
The above findings support our predictions that Air Force members
who are active in professional or base community activities will
be more likely to use Air Force communication venues and that
those who are inactive in such organizations will be less likely
to seek Air Force information. Correlating positive attitude with
favorable involvement, airmen who have high levels of involvement
will have a stronger motivation to seek out gratifications from
the media.
H1: USAF members who are more motivated toward
professional activities are more inclined to utilize base newspapers,
base Websites, Air Force Websites, commanders’ access channels,
etc.
H2: USAF members who are more motivated toward
base community activities are more inclined to utilize base newspapers,
base Websites, Air Force Websites, commanders’ access channels,
etc.
Dual-Processing Models
Heuristic-Systematic Model. According to the dual-processing
models, people who are motivated will actively process information
while those who are not motivated will passively process information.
The television industry has learned to capitalize on taking advantage
of its full potential, specifically to communicate visual messages
in a more intimate way. It looks at appealing to images themselves
rather than the content or information. Due to television becoming
a more low involvement or passive medium, it is important that
we look at theories developed to study passive versus active social
information processing (Pfau & Parrott, 1993). Several theories
have been developed over the years including the Elaboration Likelihood
Model (ELM) and the Heuristic-Systematic Model (HSM). First, let
us look at how the HSM applies to Air Force members’ interests
and abilities with the various mass mediums.
The main point of the HSM is that people can engage in systematic
or heuristic processing. According to Todorov, Chaiken & Henderson
(2002), “people can scrutinize cues peripheral to the message
content, or they can process the message content heuristically”
(p. 195). The HSM states that people engage in systematic processing
of persuasive information only when they are fairly motivated.
In a systematic mode, people look at all the information carefully,
elaborate on it and form a decision based on these details. On
the other hand, people who are not fully motivated or lack the
ability or background to understand the information will likely
engage in passive or heuristic processing (Neuwirth, Frederick,
Mayo, 2000).
In a heuristic mode, people consider only a few information signals
and form a judgment based on these limited cues (Todorov et al.,
2002; Areni, Ferrell, Wilcox, 2000). More directly heuristic processing
and passive consumption go hand in hand. Chaiken (1987) stated
that receivers are often unmotivated and therefore less involved
in message processing. In this case, the receiver is unlikely
to actively process messages and if the messages put forth a persuasive
influence, they do so mindlessly. On the other hand, systematic
processing occurs when an individual has ample levels of both
cognitive capacity and motivation. The need for cognitive capacity
reflects the fact that people have a limited ability to understand
information and that systematic processing requires more cognitive
capacity than heuristic processing. In other words, someone must
be able to commit more mental effort to a judgment task in order
to process information systematically (Chaiken, 1987; Griffin,
Neuwirth, Giese, Dunwoody, 2002).
The purpose of this research is to see which communication forms
Air Force members gravitate towards and why. The HSM has been
applied to mass media consumption over the past two decades. So
when does one passively process information versus actively? Researchers
who have used the HSM look at several areas including cognitive
ability, which relates to education level or socioeconomic status
(SES); motivation; and the mass medium used (television, radio
or print). According to Eveland & Scheufele (2000) those who
have a higher level of education are likely to have a better reading
ability and therefore are more capable of elaborating on information
and processing actively. Eveland & Scheufele (2000) went on
to say that people in a lower SES typically read the sports page
while those of a high SES are more likely to read the hard news
or opinion sections of the newspaper. In other words, those of
low SES have less exposure to more complicated information than
high SES groups and therefore are less willing to actively process
information. Factors that influence cognitive capacity include:
limited time to process, lack of knowledge of a particular topic
and the presence of other simultaneous processing tasks (Zuckerman
& Chaiken, 1998). With regard to time as a factor, Kahlor
Dunwoody, Griffin, Neuwirth, & Giese (2003) found that if
people process messages quickly, their understanding of its contents
will likely be more superficial (heuristic) than if they take
their time. In one research study, Kahlor et al. (2003) found
that individuals who received an article and read it right after
it arrived were more likely to process the information heuristically
than people who read the article at a later time.
Of course one’s motivation can make up for their lack of
education or SES. In 1998 Zuckerman & Chaiken claimed that
there are several factors that affect someone’s cognitive
ability including time and their motivation with the particular
topic. For example, fear may increase someone’s systematic
processing because they will have an increased interest in their
well-being and thus be more inclined to process systematically.
Zuckerman & Chaiken (1998) stated, “the more motivation
and cognitive capacity an individual has, the more systematic
processing is likely to occur” (p. 638). Of course each
individual has his or her own perception of what is important.
According to Zuckerman & Chaiken (1998) a warning label may
recommend that someone wear rubber gloves while using a certain
product because it may cause skin irritation. The user will then
decide how important that message is to them. They will interpret
the skin irritation to be either a mild or intense problem depending
on what they already know (Zuckerman & Chaiken, 1998).
According research related to the HSM, another factor, which affects
whether individuals process information passively or actively
is the medium used. Krugman (1965, 1971) reasoned that low-involvement
or heuristic processing was most likely with television regardless
of the content. He believed that print media encouraged more involvement
than television. Wright (1974) took it a step further, claiming
that actively processing information has to do with whether the
content has value to the person involved. Wright (1974) believed
that radio constrained a person’s ability to actively process
more than print. Later research by Krugman (2000) compared active
and passive processing with right-brain and left-brain functions.
Krugman (2000) said that speaking and reading were left-brain
functions while images are a right-brain function. He went on
to say that the print medium is mostly a left-brain function while
television is largely a right-brain function. He also added that
high involvement is connected with the left brain while low involvement
more of right brain activity. Pfau & Parrott (1993) points
out, “the specific strategies and examples will be drawn
from commercial campaigns that rely primarily on the television
medium to carry their messages to receivers, precisely because
they illustrate the passive alternative most clearly” (p.
105). Eveland & Scheufele (2000) claim that newspapers have
a middle-class bias while television has more lower class bias.
Television news may be more manageable to those with weaker cognitive
skills and would require less knowledge than would be needed for
newspaper news. Also, hard news content in television is so limited
that those with higher cognitive skills and more background information
would learn very little beyond what they already know (Eveland
& Scheufele, 2000).
Elaboration Likelihood Model. The Elaboration Likelihood
Model (ELM) is a process-oriented theory rather than a variable-oriented
one. It does not focus on the source, message, or receiver variables
only; it also focuses on the processes through which these variables
and message characteristics influence and change attitudes (Booth-Butterfield
& Welbourne, 2002). The ELM attempts to explain not only different
ways of processing messages, but also why different processing
methods are used, and the results of those methods on attitude
change. In 1981, authors Richard Petty and John Cacioppo, two
social psychologists, proposed two paths to information processing:
central and peripheral. When a message receiver uses the central
route, they will scrutinize the content of the message in order
to determine the strength or persuasiveness of the argument (Miller
2002). This scrutiny, or mental elaboration, is more than simply
paying close attention or understanding the arguments; it involves
generating one’s own thoughts about the arguments (Booth-Butterfield
& Welbourne, 2002). Whereas if the receiver takes the peripheral
route, they will not elaborate cognitively on the strength of
the arguments (Miller 2002). Instead, they will rely on indicators,
usually unrelated to the content of the argument, in order to
determine persuasiveness (Miller 2002). For example, a person
may be persuaded by an argument because they perceive the source
to be an expert, or attractive, or famous, and so on. Of the two
routes, ELM proposes that the central route is the one that will
result in attitude changes that are enduring, resistant to counter-persuasion,
and predictive of future behavior (Booth-Butterfield & Welbourne,
2002; Miller 2002; Petty & Cacioppo 1986; Petty, Cacioppo,
& Kasmer 1988). The inverse is true for peripheral route of
message processing. Attitude change developed through this route
will be comparatively temporary, vulnerable to change, and not
predictive of future behavior (Booth-Butterfield & Welbourne,
2002; Miller 2002; Petty & Cacioppo 1986; Petty, Cacioppo,
& Kasmer 1988).
The ELM suggests that a number of factors will determine which
message processing route a person will take (Miller 2002). However,
motivation and ability are the two most prominent factors mentioned
across the literature (Booth-Butterfield & Welbourne, 2002;
Eagly & Chaiken, 1993, chap. 7; Infante, Rancer, & Womack,
1997; Miller 2002; Priester, Wegener, Petty, & Fabrigar, (1999).
A person’s motivation to elaborate on the content of a message
is affected by the person’s involvement in and knowledge
of the topic (Booth-Butterfield & Welbourne, 2002; Infante,
Rancer, & Womack, 1997; Miller 2002; Petty, Cacioppo, &
Schumann, 1983). For example, a person 64 years old will likely
be motivated to elaborate on a message (central processing) about
social security benefits, as opposed to a 24 year old for whom
social security is not yet a relevant topic (peripheral processing).
However, if the 64 year old has a spouse running a vacuum cleaner
in the next room, then this person’s ability to process
centrally may be impaired or distracted and they may have to rely
on peripheral cues. Other factors affecting ability to elaborate
include education level, message complexity, intelligence, knowledge
of the topic (Miller 2002), and so forth.
Although the ELM has been described as “the most promising
recent theoretical development in persuasion research” (O’Keefe,
1990, p. 109), it has also brought criticism from communication
scholars and psychologists alike. These criticisms were based
largely on misinterpretations of the ELM postulates (Booth-Butterfield
& Welbourne, 2002; Petty, Wegener, Fabrigar, Priester &
Cacioppo, 1993). For example, Stiff (1986) challenged the ELM’s
implication that message receivers take either the central route
or the peripheral route but not both. However, the ELM’s
postulates do not rule out the possibility of multi-channel processing
(Booth-Butterfield & Welbourne, 2002; Petty, Cacioppo, Kasmer,
& Haugtvedt, 1987; Petty et al. 1993). In fact, the central
or peripheral routes do not refer to whether those aspects are
processed, but rather the affect of those aspects on the resulting
attitude (Booth-Butterfield & Welbourne, 2002; Petty et al.,
1997). Stiff (1986) and other critics have been answered effectively
by the authors, and Petty and colleagues have not made any changes
to the model consistent with those criticisms (Booth-Butterfield
& Welbourne, 2002; see also Petty et al. 1987; Petty et al.
1993).
The HSM and ELM support our hypothesis that field grade officers
and senior noncommissioned officers (higher ranking Air Force
members) will be more inclined to actively process information
and lean towards print because of their higher cognitive abilities
which include their level of education and socioeconomic status
which tend to be a lot higher than company grade officers and
junior enlisted airmen. On the flip side it also supports our
other hypothesis that the company grade officers and junior enlisted
airmen (lower ranking Air Force members) will be more inclined
to passively process information and lean towards radio and in
particular television. With regards to education, one research
question was also developed.
H3: USAF Field Grade Officers (O-4 and above)
and Senior Noncommissioned Officers (E-7 and above) are more inclined
to actively process information and lean towards print communication
venues.
H4: USAF Company Grade Officers (O-1 thru O-3)
and Junior Enlisted Airmen (E-1 thru E-6) are more inclined to
passively process information and lean toward electronic venues.
RQ1: Is there a correlation between the education
level and preference for communication venues?
Source Credibility
Immediate contact versus no contact and visual versus non-visual
communication forms play a major role in what venue Air Force
members place higher credibility in. We believe that the more
immediate contact and the more visual the communication form -
the higher the credibility. Credibility is described by McCroskey
and Wheeless (1976), as an attitude toward a source of communication
by a receiver at any given time which can be multidimensional,
in that the source can be perceived as positive on some dimensions
but not on others. In 1976, McCroskey and Wheeless stated, “Credibility
is a perception rather than a reality … therefore is a very
important variable in human communication” (p.105,106).
While most researchers agreed on source credibility being multi
dimensional, there has been a lot of disagreement on how many
dimensions existed (Stiff & Mongeau, 2003). Consistently,
the two dimensions that are the most prevalent are competence
(expertise) and trustworthiness. While the credibility can cover
a wide array of topics, it has traditionally been the communicator’s
credibility that researchers have dedicated much of their time
to, while little attention has been given to media credibility
(Westley & Severin, 1964).
The first dimension examined is competence, which is regarded
as the extent to which a source or person is perceived as knowledgeable.
In 2003, Stiff and Mongeau, stated that “assessments of
source credibility must focus on the attributions made by receivers
of persuasive messages (p.107). This analogy can be taken one
step further and used to explain how these assessments affect
news media. Ibelema and Powell (2001) found that the more pleasant
a person found a media source to be, the more it enhanced the
perception of competence. But, this enhanced perception of competency
can be hampered by frequent errors in fact and grammar, which
can cause this perception to shift to from competent to incompetent.
The American Society of Newspaper Editors released findings of
the first major national survey designed to find the underlying
causes of the media’s disconnect with the public (Marks,
1998). After the three-year research was concluded, it revealed
that print media had a problem with too many factual errors and
spelling and grammar mistakes. However, similarity with a media
source and word of mouth from a trusted source about the competence
of a media outlet, also determined a media recipient’s opinion
about the media’s competency.
The second dimension, trustworthiness, is viewed as character,
which is judged in terms of essential goodness and decency. According
to McCroskey and Wheeless (1976), since credibility is multidimensional,
a source “can be perceived positively on some dimensions
and not on others” (p. 105). For example, if a particular
media venue is being judged for credibility, it may be perceived
as trustworthy but not extremely competent depending on a person’s
perception. Within media, important differences exist between
sources the public considers more objective and those they distrust
(Hennessy, 1970). A message may be widely accepted when a source
is considered trustworthy, but the same message may be rejected
when it is printed in a media medium that is viewed as untrustworthy
(Hennessy, 1970).
In 1998, Hughes reported that a Wall Street Journal/NBC poll showed
that 21 percent of the respondents rated the news media as either
very or mostly honest and a Gallup poll revealed only 29 percent
of Americans express a great deal or quite a lot of confidence
in newspapers. Hennessy (1970) also stated that “people
generally give greater credence to the electronic media than to
the printed word … greater authority somehow attaches to
facts or opinions expressed by TV and radio” (p. 313). In
2001, this dimension was put to test through a study by Ibelema
and Powell. These researchers discovered that newspapers are viewed
as more credible on particular dimensions of credibility, that
the more complex the subject, the more credible newspapers are
judged, but that ultimately, TV sources still rated higher in
trustworthiness over printed media. It was concluded that the
combined ratings for local, cable and network TV news were higher
than national and local newspaper ratings combined, with cable
TV news as the highest for trustworthiness and local newspapers
as the lowest, and radio news as the lowest in credibility for
electronic media.
The last item examined was the specific scales used to measure
each of the three dimensions. The first one examined was the semantic
differential scale, consisting of seven points a person can choose
from. According to Sherif & Sherif (1969), the semantic scale
is easy to score but had the disadvantage of possible misinterpretation
in certain assumptions.
From the information sited above, the researchers for this project
have determined that source credibility will play a major role
in determining which mass medium Air Force members will most likely
prefer. The research done above supports our fifth
hypothesis, that Air Force members will gravitate toward a more
visual medium such as television and look for a more personal
and immediate contact for their communication.
H5: Air Force members assign greater credibility
to communication venues that feature:
a) more immediate contact
b) more visual